Information forbidden During America’s War On Terrorism
Information from the government is slowing to a trickle For all
the talk of bringing liberation and openness to Afghanistan, the
flow of information during the War On Terrorism has been anything
but free.
Not that it should surprise anyone.‘Twas ever thus, from the
Gulf War to the Falkland Islands and beyond. Militaries and governments,not
unwisely, have always been in the business of managing imagery
as well as Howitzers and Harriers.
But since Sept. 11, the message-conscious American government
has taken secrecy to new heights. And not only abroad: the War
On Terrorism is very much a domestic affair.
In October, for instance,* Attorney-General John Ashcroft actively
encouraged government departments to keep wraps on data that could
be remotely sensitive. His memo (see sidebar on page 12) essentially
revoked an earlier directive of his predecessor, Janet Reno, which
had encouraged disclosure. As a result,getting access to information
— never an easy task to begin with — has become a quasi-Herculean
affair.
“The government has been throwing out overall national security
issues as the justification," says Lucy Daglish, executive
director of the Arlington, Va.-based Reporters’ Committee for
Freedom of the Press. “Certain types of information have become
difficult to get — certainly with what’s going on in Afghanistan
and Pakistan,but there have also been problems getting domestic
information as well.” The diminished access to information makes
journalists’ jobs all the more challenging.
Just ask Andrew Rosenthal. He spearheaded the New York Times’
coverage of 9-11 and its aftermath, helping guide the newspaper
to a record seven Pulitzers this year. He has never seen anything
approaching this level of informational control. “Ever since the
Pentagon purportedly began to respond to the media’s concerns
about openness, the information has decreased with each new engagement,”
he says. “And this is the worst of all. We haven’t been lacking
in war coverage — but we’re definitely lacking in information
from the government.”
So much so, says Rosenthal, that the newspaper’s chiefmilitary
analyst faced the ultimate irony: He had to go to London to do
his reporting. Only the British government, apparently, was revealing
anything useful. And the Pentagon’s contributions, according to
Rosenthal? “Pathetic.”
That experience corresponds with that of Lyse Doucet,the globetrotting
Canadian reporter who has been filing stories for the BBC. “The
first rough draft of history, particularly as it’s spun through
the Western government media machines, is very rough indeed,”she
says.“Trying to present the story from that side of the world,
I was very conscious of the attempts to restrict the free flow
of information from Washington.”
There have been, to be fair, plenty of briefings throughout the
War On Terrorism. It’s just that they’re hardly revelatory,says
Doucet.As a result,the more “uncomfortable aspects of the story”—
like Afghan infighting, revenge killings and civilian casualties
— tended to be eclipsed by the trivial pressers coming out of
the Pentagon and the State Department. “The media are at their
best when there’s a genuine crisis or calamity, and journalists
go out and gather facts the best they can,” says Washington Post
media reporter (and CNN’s Reliable Sources host) Howard Kurtz.“But
the war itself, especially given the Pentagon’s restrictions on
reports,became quite a frustrating situation for the press.”
Because access was so choked off, the media then had to scramble
to fill the news hole. And that, says Kurtz, meant a slow slide
into previous bad habits. Media developed the interminable ‘Where’s
Osama?’ refrain, which continues to this day.
.“We reached a point in the war where every other hour, somebody
would be on television speculating about where Osama bin Laden
was, and how close the U.S.was to finding him,”Kurtz laments.“When
the news slowed down,we found the usual ways to pump it up.”
Back at home, information proved equally as difficult to get.
Investigative reporter Rose Ciotta of the Philadelphia Inquirer
felt the chill following 9-11, when previously forthcoming government
agencies suddenly clammed up. For instance,Ciotta had previously
obtained a database on airport security from the Federal Aviation
Administration.“Then immediately after 9-11, the FAA really shut
down completely,” she complains.“Not only were they not releasing
any comments about airport security at all, they were unwilling
to provide background information on this database.”
Moreover, when she and other journalists sent in questions about
how to read the database, they never got any response at all.
As a result Ciotta had to circumvent the usual official routes
entirely,by seeking out former FAA employees who were familiar
with the material, to help her decode it. Other government agencies,
too, removed material from their websites that had previously
been available. And access to information about terror suspects
who’d been taken into custody was virtually nonexistent. Their
names, the charges against them,what subsequently happened to
them were impossible to come by — a situation almost unprecedented
in the history of American criminal justice, says Daglish.
Then came John Ashcroft’s memo, which gave Justice Department
backing to agencies that wanted to fend off journalists’ Freedom
of Information requests.“A lot of people felt his comments would
certainly make it easier for government agencies to refuse information,”says
Ciotta,who heads up the Inquirer’s computerassisted reporting
initiatives.“Now we’re trying to figure out how much that is happening.”
According to Dalglish, it’s happening quite frequently.“We’re
starting to hear about reporters who’ve been denied access to
records, and that the rejection letters cite Ashcroft’s October
memo,”she says.And rollbacks to access don’t just relate to the
names of terrorism suspects, but even to innocuous things like
“library information on bodies of water.” So says Homefront Confidential
(http://www.rcfp.org/homefrontconfidential/),
a release of the Reporters’ Committee for Freedom of the Press,which
put together an exhaustive timeline of all the varied ways the
American government has zipped its lips.
So what’s a journalist to do in such an altered environment?
Thankfully, not all is lost.Dogged determination often trumps
governmental efforts to keep everything closeted. “Stay vigilant,
keep asking for information, and let editors know if you come
across something that used to be open,” says Daglish.“Be especially
aggressive about trying to cover immigration proceedings, because
anybody who’s so far gone into court to try to get access, has
won.”
Despite the lack of official information, some journalists were
able to make the best of the situation, through old-fashioned
legwork.
Exhibit A: the BBC’s Doucet,who didn’t rely on official American
channels to feed her information. In fact she already had an extensive
network of contacts in the region,having lived there for a year
in ‘88-’89, back when the Soviets were leaving.When new leader
Hamid Karzai arrived in Kabul for the first time, for instance,
it was Doucet who snagged the first and only interview that day
with Karzai,whom she had known and covered for so many years.
Back home in North America, too, journalists displayed a remarkable
resilience, ferreting out information no matter what the obstacles.“I
remember metro reporters coming in after having spent literally
days down there at Ground Zero, covered in soot and still wearing
hard hats,”says the Times’ Rosenthal.“Young people who never expected
to be war correspondents, suddenly doing that in our own backyard.And
yet reporters were always able to summon up the energy to provide
incredible, instantaneous coverage of the next unfolding disaster.”
But often, those journalistic achievements came about in spite
of,not thanks to, any government help. And it’s up to journalists,
says Lucy Daglish of Reporters’ Committee for Freedom of the Press,
to stem this tide of secrecy.Do nothing, and government agencies
will deny access to more and more areas of information; it’s the
natural inclination of those in power.
Editor’s note: In its March/April edition, the American
magazine Mother Jones wrote for an interesting profile on John
Ashcroft.You can read the story at: http://www.motherjones.com/magazine/MA02/ashcroft.html
Chris Taylor is a staff writer in New York City for SmartMoney,
the Wall Street Journal’s personal-finance magazine.
He can be reached at ctaylor@hearst.com.